Texas Medical Marijuana, Greed The War On Hemp Derived THC — Reefer Madness

Texas Cannabis Chaos: Greed, Reefer Madness, and the Fight for Safe Access

By Shane Shipman – September 9, 2025

If you want to understand Texas cannabis politics, just follow the money. The 2025 legislative session turned into an all-out war between medical marijuana monopolies and the booming hemp industry—and it wasn’t about protecting kids, despite what the headlines said. It was about power, profits, and who gets to control access to THC in Texas.

Greed Dressed Up as Safety

Texas’ Compassionate Use Program (TCUP), launched in 2017, gave just three companies a near-monopoly over medical marijuana. They invested millions expecting a guaranteed market. But once hemp-derived THC products hit shelves after the 2019 Farm Bill, their business model collapsed. Sales plummeted by half in 2021, and one major operator, Texas Original, only survived thanks to a $21 million bailout from AFI Capital Partners. The new CEO, Nico Richardson, wasted no time hiring high-priced lobbyists to push bans on hemp. It wasn’t about public health—it was about clawing back a monopoly.

Reefer Madness, 2025 Edition

To sell these bans, lawmakers dusted off the same old “Reefer Madness” script. Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick paraded hemp gummies and seltzers on the Senate floor, warning they’d poison kids. Never mind that alcohol and Tylenol—both fully legal—kill Texans every year. Cannabis? Zero fatal overdoses in history. Yet politicians clutched their pearls over hemp candy while ignoring the liquor aisle in every grocery store.

The Politricks Behind the Push

Let’s call this what it was: politricks. Senate Bill 3 in the regular session, followed by SB5 and SB6 in special sessions, all aimed to ban hemp THC. Each one fizzled—Abbott vetoed SB3, and the others died in the House. But the push revealed the ugly truth: lobbyists with insider connections were cashing checks to tilt the scales.

• Texas Original hired Lt. Gov. Patrick’s former chief of staff, Logan Spence, paying him over $200,000 to lobby for bans.
• Goodblend, owned by Florida-based Surterra, tapped Gov. Abbott’s ex-chief of staff Luis Saenz, spending up to $129,000.
• Blissful CannaCo brought on a Fort Worth lawyer tied to Patrick’s inner circle.

All of this while hemp shops—4,000+ strong—employed 53,000 Texans and built a $5.5 billion market. Who’s really serving the people here?

The Safety Conversation We Should Be Having

Here’s what’s missing: a rational conversation about safety. Hemp products, when lab-tested and sold responsibly, are safer than many over-the-counter medications. What we need are clear standards—age restrictions, child-resistant packaging, and potency caps—just like alcohol. What we don’t need is prohibition that drives people to the black market, where safety disappears completely.

Veterans in Our Corner

Thankfully, veterans are stepping up. Groups like Texas Veterans for Medical Cannabis have testified at the Capitol, reminding lawmakers that hemp products are often the only affordable relief for PTSD, pain, and insomnia. Their voices carry weight—and they cut through the nonsense. As one veteran put it: “If you trust us with rifles overseas, trust us with gummies at home.”

Where We Stand Now

By September, three prohibition bills had failed. A vape sales ban took effect, but most THC products remain legal. Governor Abbott hints at future regulation, but for now, hemp lives on. And the lesson is clear: Texans don’t want monopoly greed disguised as safety. Polls show overwhelming support for medical marijuana and majority support for recreational. The people are ready. It’s the politicians—hooked on lobbyist cash—who are dragging their feet.

Final Thought

Texas cannabis reform won’t come from backroom deals. It’ll come from grassroots pressure, from veterans, patients, and everyday Texans demanding safe access without gatekeeping and greed. Until then, expect more politricks—but also expect the people to keep fighting.

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This post incorporates reporting and analysis from multiple sources, including DFWSAS and Chris Tomlinson’s work at the Houston Chronicle, both of which provided valuable background on the 2025 legislative battles.